Analysis of Dual Nationality of Overseas Chinese in Indonesia During the Period of Sukarno Government

: Indonesia has the largest number of overseas Chinese in the world and is the first country to attempt to resolve the issue of dual nationality since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. By analyzing Indonesia’s and China’s attitudes and policies, the paper attempts to reconstruct their situation at the time. The existence of dual nationality created a series of legal problems and troubles with national identity and affected overseas Chinese’s stable economic and social life. By searching through various historical sources, the paper reconstructs the process of signing the Treaty between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Indonesia on Dual nationality. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, many diplomatic efforts were made, and numerous negotiations with the Indonesian government led to the signing of the Treaty. The Treaty means that China formally renounced dual nationality, which was significant for the new-built country to announce its firm determination to safeguard its sovereignty, ease the sharp conflicts with the Southeast Asian region and protect the interests of overseas Chinese. However, the validation of the Treaty was too short, and it failed to achieve its maximum benefits. It was not well thought out and caused some Indonesian Chinese to lose their nationality, which affected their everyday economic and social life; it encouraged overseas Chinese to actively join their host countries, which was a loss of a series of resources to build the motherland.


Introduction
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, China and Indonesia had an essential diplomatic history. South East Asia is geopolitically close to China and has an abundance of overseas Chinese. After the establishment of communist China, various countries in the region became important breakthroughs for China to break its diplomatic isolation, and these countries were also in critical diplomatic positions for China to implement economic reforms. The resolution of the issue of dual nationality in Indonesia could effectively strengthen the identity of the overseas Chinese, create a friendly and responsible international image of the new country, and also announce to the world the strong determination and attitude of China to safeguard its sovereignty. At the same time, the resolution of the issue of dual nationality for overseas Chinese in Indonesia also provided an excellent example for other neighboring countries to resolve the same issue with China, dispelling the rumors of the "Chinese threat", and easing the sharp conflicts between China and Southeast Asia. Overall, resolving the issue of dual nationality of overseas Chinese in Indonesia played an essential role in promoting diplomatic relations between China and Southeast Asian countries.
In order to study the solution to this problem, first of all, it is necessary to clarify what overseas Chinese means. According to current Chinese law, overseas Chinese, also called Chinese diasporas, include two kinds of people: "Huaren" and "Huaqiao". The term "Huaren" refers to former Chinese citizens who have acquired foreign nationality, their descendants who have foreign nationality, and the foreign citizens who are descendants of Chinese citizens. "Huaqiao" refers to Chinese citizens who live abroad [1]. This paper focuses on the Chinese who had both Chinese and foreign citizenship, which was a particular case following the establishment of the People's Republic of China.
The issue of the overseas Chinese in Indonesia is rooted in China's complex history, as Chinese people have lived in Indonesia for more than a thousand years. However, the vast majority of the overseas Chinese today originated from the mid-nineteenth century when the Western invaders sold Chinese laborers through commercial ports and shipped them overseas to serve as cheap labor. Indonesia, as a colony of the Western powers, imported a large number of Chinese laborers. After a century of hard work and struggle, the Chinese in Indonesia have made outstanding contributions in many fields. They have achieved a certain economic status, making an indelible contribution to the development of Indonesia. In particular, during the early years of the founding of the new Chinese state, the overseas Chinese, who generally held dual nationality, actively supported the Chinese revolution. This behavior has caused mass discontent and official alarm in Indonesia, which led to a wave of anti-Chinese tendencies within Indonesia. The issue of the overseas Chinese in Indonesia has become a focal point of research both in China and abroad, as it is both a matter of immediate interest to our compatriots and inextricably linked to the study of Sino-Indonesian relations.
Most of the existing research findings focus on the emergence and evolution of the overseas Chinese in Indonesia, the impact of the overseas Chinese on Sino-Indonesian relations, and how dual nationality affects the relationship between China and Indonesia, but not enough attention has been paid to the issue of dual nationality from the perspective of domestic and international policies towards the overseas Chinese. Some information still needs to be added. Based on this, this paper explores this issue to enrich the study of the dual nationality problem of overseas Chinese and draw the attention of scholars in China and abroad.

2.
The Concept of Dual Nationality and the Relevant Problems

The Concept of Dual Nationality
Dual nationality refers to the situation when a person has the nationality of two States at the same time, i.e., the law of more than one State recognizes them as nationals or has their nationality, is known in international law as an "active conflict of nationality". As there is no common rule of nationality in international law, the granting, acquisition, and loss of nationality are determined by the legislation of each country, based on its political system, traditions, customs, and needs. The natural laws of countries cannot be identical, which inevitably gives rise to a conflict of nationality. The problem of dual nationality can arise as a result of the different legislative principles of national nationality laws, and thus leading to conflicts in the provisions on the descent, birth, marriage, adoption, acceptance of public office, etc [2]. Secondly, dual nationality can cause inconvenience to other countries in determining status. Assuming that an Indonesian Chinese has both Chinese and Indonesian nationality, it becomes difficult to determine which country the citizen will be extradited to if he or she committee crime in a third country, and which country should respond to the citizen's safety and interests abroad.
In addition, dual nationality creates an actual conflict of interest between the two countries. For example, how to fulfill national obligations such as taxation, military service, etc. As the issue of dual nationality was not clearly defined with other countries at the time of the founding of the People's Republic of China, it would indeed create an actual conflict of interest if both countries required a dual national to fulfill national obligations to both countries.
The Sukarno government in Indonesia also strictly controlled the entry and exit of Chinese into and out of Indonesia, not hoping too many Chinese to enter Indonesia. At the same time, the Indonesian government did not want to lose the economic profits of overseas Chinese while restricting their presence in various economic activities and affecting their normal economic activities and personal freedom.
Dual nationality also creates problems of national identity for China and Indonesia. For a long time, the Indonesian government was wary of the Chinese because of the success of the Chinese communist revolution and the consequent rise of Chinese nationalism. This was also because the United States was building an anti-communist alliance in Southeast Asia, and imposed restrictions on the Chinese for fear of a possible Chinese revolutionary movements, which seriously affected the everyday life of the Chinese in Indonesia.
All in all, against the backdrop of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and the unprecedented growth of socialist forces in the new created communist China, the existence of dual nationality caused many unnecessary problems for the overseas Chinese in Indonesia and the governments of China and Indonesia, as it was difficult for them to integrate into the local community and be accepted by the general public in Indonesia. This affected the work of the overseas Chinese in Indonesia and became a problematic issue in handling Sino-Indonesian relations and became one of the most critical issues in the early years of the founding of communist China.

The Indonesian Policy towards Overseas Chinese from the Post-war Period to the Signing of the Treaty
After World War II, the Indonesian government adopted a series of policies to restrict ethnic Chinese and overseas Chinese, and adopted discriminatory measures on nationality and economic issues, affecting their specific interests and everyday lives. This part will address the situation about Overseas Chinese community in there and someunfair treatments of Indonesian Overseas Chinese due to various laws adopted by the government during the Sukarno period.

International Situation and the Situation of Overseas Chinese in Indonesia
In the early days of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union had inevitably extended to third-world countries in the Pacific region. During this period, China had become a socialist country in the East Asia region. The success of the Chinese revolution would inevitably affect the strength of the Communist Party in Southeast Asian countries. Out of the sense of crisis that it might lose its peripheral countries in Southeast Asia, the United States tried its best to piece together military allies in Southeast Asia. In order to curb the expansion of communism here, the United States signed defense treaties with countries in East Asia to win over Indonesia through anticommunism with nearby countries and built a Southeast Asian treaty Organization to arouse Indonesia's sense of urgency to the threat of communism with the issue of the Chinese "fifth column" to complete the ring of encirclement of China.
However, due to the large number of Chinese in Indonesia, how to solve the political and economic status of these Chinese has become the key to the stability of the Indonesian governance and society. Previously, Indonesia's central policy towards the Chinese was mainly to restrict the use of Chinese capital, eliminate Chinese education and newspapers, and implement a comprehensive assimilation policy.
On the other hand, with the founding of communist China, Chinese nationalism was on the rise again. The Indonesian government had to start worrying about whether the overseas Chinese were a potential danger to social stability and whether forces were trying to overthrow the current government, so it began to gradually implement a policy of exclusion, including cultural, economic, and nationality policies to try to force the assimilation of the overseas Chinese, which was in order to achieve the purpose of control. Affected by this, to survive and advance in their careers, most overseas Chinese had to indonesianize their lives.
In this context, in order to safeguard the rights of Chinese people living abroad , Chinese government encouraged overseas Chinese to renounce dual nationality and clarify their national identity, which encouraged the majority of overseas Chinese to identify with their country of residence or China , thereby making the Chinese social status being guaranteed.

The Identity Policy of Overseas Chinese in Indonesia during the Period of Sukarno Government
As the Sukarno government strictly controlled overseas Chinese into and out of Indonesia, it was difficult for Indonesian Chinese to enter and exit, resulting in the continuous decreasing of the population of Indonesian Chinese. Population growth can only rely on natural growth. Taking January-June 1953 as an example, there were 14,096 outbound overseas Chinese in Indonesia, and only 8,810 inbound overseas Chinese, with 5,286 more outbound overseas Chinese than inbound ones [3]. In April 1954, the "Government Regulation No. 32 on the Registration of Foreigners" promulgated by the Sukarno government stipulated that all foreigners entering Indonesia for the first time must be registered within one week after entry, and those who have already resided must be registered within six months [3]. In 1955, the "Emergency Decree No. 8" promulgated by the Sukarno government stipulated that those who had insufficient immigration documents and forged documents would be sentenced to imprisonment for up to two years and a fine of up to 50,000 rupiahs; those without legal documents could be sentenced to imprisonment of up to one year or a fine of up to 10,000 rupiahs; 5 years in prison could be sentenced for illegal entry [3].
The Sukarno government implemented a "passive" nationality policy between 1945 and 1954, which meant that if the overseas Chinese do not go to the government-designated agency to register within the specified time, they will automatically become Indonesian nationals. This is an expression of its hope that overseas Chinese would join Indonesian nationality as soon as possible. However, many overseas Chinese were still willing to retain dual nationality due to many political and cultural factors.
The Sukarno government was willing to adopt this policy because the Indonesian Sukarno government needed to cooperate closely with China from the overall strategic consideration to counter the encirclement and pressure of the US the Netherlands, the UK, Australia, and some other countries, but also needed to rely on China's support to enhance its prestige at home and worldwide. At the same time, Indonesia urgently needed funds from overseas Chinese to finance national construction but did not want too many foreigners to affect the country's political and economic security.
In April 1946, the Sukarno government promulgated the "Citizenship Law" based on the birthplace principle and "passive" nationality policy. It was determined that the legal sources of Indonesian citizens include aborigines and foreign residents who lived for more than five years, who were 21 years old or married, and who did not subjectively refuse Indonesian nationality could become Indonesian citizens.
The Hague Agreement signed by the Netherlands and Indonesia in 1949 re-emphasized the birthplace principle stipulated in the Citizenship Law and the previous "passive" nationality policy. If Chinese nationality must be retained, overseas Chinese could retain Indonesia Citizenship after two years. Under the influence of this treaty, many Indonesian Chinese automatically acquired Indonesian nationality after birth. In the early 1950s, there were about 400,000 Indonesian native Chinese with Indonesian nationality, accounting for 26% [3] of the local Chinese population in Indonesia. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese nationalism and patriotism of the overseas Chinese were unprecedentedly high. Many overseas Chinese voluntarily retained Chinese nationality instead of applying for Indonesian nationality. According to estimates by the Indonesian Foreign Affairs Bureau, there were 900,000 Chinese who joined Indonesian nationality in 1954, and 2.1 million Chinese retained Chinese nationality [4].
According to the estimates of the Indonesian government, by 1960, among the approximately 3 million overseas Chinese at that time, 70% of them, or 2 million, retained Chinese nationality, and 30%, or approximately 1 million [5], acquired Indonesian nationality. As overseas Chinese who retained Chinese nationality were subject to more and more restrictions on economic and cultural activities to make a living, the number of overseas Chinese who joined Indonesian nationality was increasing. By 1965, the year before the fall of the Sukarno government, Indonesian nationals accounted for two-thirds of the overseas Chinese, about 2 million, while those who retained Chinese nationality accounted for only 1/3, about 1 million [4].
In addition to adopting the above policies on nationality, the Indonesian government also limited the scope of economic interests of overseas Chinese to prevent them from too much influence on the Indonesian national economy. Here takes the most apparent cargo transportation industry as an example. In 1954, the Indonesian government stipulated that transportation licenses were only issued to Indonesian citizens who did not join other nationalities. Many overseas Chinese who worked in the transportation industry had to withdraw. However, at the same time, they were unwilling to give up their Chinese nationality. For a time, overseas Chinese disappeared from this filed. Residents and businessmen gradually took over the business interests that belonged to local Chinese [5]. It is clear that overseas Chinese in Indonesia have faced discrimination for a long time because of their nationality, and it was difficult to carry out normal economic activities, which seriously affected the quality of life of the overseas Chinese.

The Chinese Solution to the Problem of Dual Nationality
In order to safeguard the specific interests of overseas Chinese, maintain reasonable diplomatic relations with Southeast Asian countries, solve the problem of dual nationality and encourage them to integrate successfully into their host countries, China decided to sign the Treaty between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Indonesia on Dual Nationality. This part will focus on the new China's attitudes and diplomatic efforts toward signing the Treaty and the documents.

China's Policy towards Overseas Chinese
Since its establishment, the Communist Party of China has always been concerned about the Chinese people, including overseas Chinese. As early as 1 February 1946, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party announced a statement declaring that it would protect the legitimate interests of all foreign nationals [6]. After the country's founding, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs quickly incorporated overseas Chinese affairs into its work. On 30 October 1949, Zhou Enlai inscribed the third anniversary of the founding of the Southern Overseas Chinese Daily (Nan Qiao Ri Bao): Strive for the propagation of the joint program of the new democracy and protect the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese diaspora. At the same time, the government understood the situation of overseas Chinese very well and gave them the most significant degree of tolerance, encouragement, and care. In the face of overseas Chinese concerns about land reform, on 6 November of the same year, the Measures for the Treatment of Overseas Chinese Land and Property under the Land Reform was issued [7], which revealed the care for overseas Chinese.
Faced with the natural fear of China's rise and the extension of the socialist camp beyond a single country, and under the malicious propaganda of the US imperialists, the Southeast Asian countries with the most significant number of Chinese have generally shown indifference and even hostility to China and the local Chinese, who are regarded as "foreign spies" in the host countries, regardless of whether they have directly participated in the local revolution. They were branded with suspicion, suspecting that the Chinese were authentic "vanguard troops" sent by China to help it expand its power [8].
In order to maintain their safety and interests, dispel rumors and fears of neighboring countries about China, and facilitate the establishment of good diplomacy in the future, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party explicitly forbade overseas Chinese from intervening in local revolutionary and governmental activities. In July 1951, Zhou Enlai agreed at a meeting on overseas Chinese affairs that "the embassies and consulates should only lead the affairs of overseas Chinese and not carry out overseas Chinese movements" and that overseas Chinese "should only do open and legal work to help the motherland and should not carry out activities to subvert the local government" [9].In August, when Zhou Enlai chaired the 99th meeting of the State Council, he discussed the "Report on the First Enlarged Meeting of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee" by Liao Chengzhi. He emphasized that overseas Chinese should "fight for rights and interests that they can protect, on the one hand, and refrain from interfering with the local revolutionary movement on the other" in their host countries [10].Again he emphasized the explicit prohibition of overseas Chinese participation in local political activities.
At the same time, China is always mindful of safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of overseas Chinese in resolving their problems. In the face of overseas Chinese, Zhou Enlai often taught our personnel in foreign countries: "When the legitimate rights and interests of overseas Chinese are infringed upon abroad, we must protect them, give them assistance and, if necessary, intervene diplomatically" [9]. The policy of "treating all alike and taking proper care" has been formulated for those who choose to return to China and their families, i.e., taking care of them in politics and life. In November 1958, at the National Conference on Overseas Chinese Affairs, Zhou Enlai further put forward the principle of "treating all Chinese equally and taking appropriate care of them" and took concrete measures to win them over. Accordingly, the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee formulated a range of policies to utilize overseas Chinese resources for economic construction and encouraged them to return to China to invest and start their businesses. Premier Zhou also took the most significant consideration for overseas Chinese, allowing them to choose their nationality according to their wishes and needs, actively participating in the formulation of bilateral treaties to resolve problems, encouraging them to remain in their localities, intermarry with local people, actively integrate into the environment of their host countries, obey the laws and regulations of their host countries, participate in the economic and social construction of their host countries, and continue to carry forward the traditional virtue of hard-working of the Chinese people. In this way, they would establish a good impression of Chinese people overseas and promote a friendly image of China.

China's Diplomatic Efforts to Resolve the Issue of Dual Nationality with Indonesia
As the country with the largest number of overseas Chinese at that time, Indonesia had the most severe and prominent problem of overseas Chinese. Therefore, "regarding the issue of dual nationality, the Chinese government should first solve the issue of Indonesian Chinese", and in this regard, China negotiated with the Indonesia many times.
After the introduction of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, China quickly began to address the issue of the overseas Chinese with Indonesia on that basis. On 7 February 1954, Zhou Enlai met with Indonesian Ambassador Mononutu to exchange views on the issue of dual nationality for Chinese Indonesians. On 4 October of the same year, the Chinese government decided that it would first resolve the issue of the nationality of the Chinese in Indonesia and decided that Zhang Hanfu would head the Chinese delegation and negotiate with Ambassador Mononutu, the head of the Indonesian delegation [11]. According to the People's Daily, the preliminary negotiations from November 2 to December 23 between China and Indonesia on the issue of dual nationality in Beijing were conducted in a friendly and cordial atmosphere from the beginning to the end [12]. On 29 March of the following year, China and Indonesia again held meetings in Jakarta on the issue of dual nationality.
When Zhou Enlai signed the Treaty between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Indonesia on Dual Nationality on behalf of the Chinese government at the Asian-African Conference on 22 April 1955, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of both China and Indonesia issued a speech to congratulate the two countries on having reached an agreement on the issue of dual nationality and wish them developing friendly relations together [13,14]. This is the immediate solution to the issue of dual nationality between China and Indonesia and has become an indelible milestone in resolving the overseas Chinese' dual nationality.
After the signing of the Treaty, a series of efforts continued to be made by both China and Indonesia for the implementation of the bilateral Treaty. On 27 December 1957 Zhou Enlai presided over the 67th Plenary Meeting of the State Council. The meeting adopted the Treaty, which was submitted to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress [15]. The Indonesian Parliament ratified the Treaty at an emergency session held on 17 December. This Treaty was signed in Bandung in April 1955 by the plenipotentiaries of the two governments.
Before the vote, Indonesia defeated the proposal of putting aside the discussion on this Treaty until the ratification of the Indonesian Nationality Law that Mas Youmi Party MP Hajono proposed [16], which fully reflects the high priority of the Indonesian government for the resolution of the dual nationality issue between China and Indonesia.
On 15 December 1960, China formulated the Measures of Implementation of the Treaty on dual nationality. On 24 December, China promulgated the Measures of Implementation. On 28 December, shortly after the publication of the Measures of Implementation, Chen Yi met with Indonesian journalists, and held detailed meetings on the entry into force of the Treaty on dual nationality, reflecting the importance that China attached to the implementation of the Treaty.

5.
Significances and Inadequacies of the Treaty

Inadequacies of the Treaty
From the point of view of the Treaty itself, first of all, the Treaty was only a bilateral treaty signed with Indonesia, and the duration is only 20 years. Therefore, the signing of the Treaty did not resonate enough at the time and even gave the impression of "no permanent solution", "so that it can become a reason for racial discrimination". Burma, which initiated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence together with China and India, also raised the issue of "dual nationality" of overseas Chinese to the Chinese government in April 1954. After Prime Minister Wu Nu visited China at the end of 1954 and exchanged views with China, the Myanmar government also stated that it could adopt the principle of resolving the "dual nationality" issue between China and Indonesia. However, Myanmar soon changed its position and insisted on a unilateral settlement according to domestic legislation. At the end of 1956, Myanmar also stated that issue of "dual nationality" about overseas Chinese would be resolved after the boundary issue was resolved.
Starting from respecting the established harmonious relationship between two countries, China did not mention signing a treaty but encouraged overseas Chinese to choose Myanmar nationality. By March 1961, there were only 6,279 overseas Chinese with Chinese nationality, and there were still 91,156 foreigners [17]. Secondly, "the treaty aimed to reduce the number of Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent", which is also contrary to the original intention of Chinese government, which meant to encourage overseas Chinese to become the nationality of the host country and give up "dual nationality". The Treaty did not stipulate whether Chinese nationals, who have acquired Indonesian nationality according to the relevant Indonesian nationality laws in the past, will naturally become Indonesian citizens. Even if this negative impact has been reduced through relevant revisions since then, Numerous thousands of overseas Chinese in Indonesia have lost their nationality, making it difficult for them to do business, go to school and live a normal life in Indonesia.
In addition, the Chinese who have been naturalized have not fully obtained equal citizenship rights. This is a well-known fact. "Giving up dual nationality will not be discriminated against and treated separately", which has become the wish of Chinese government. Moreover, the Chinese could not enjoy equal treatment is a common phenomenon in Southeast Asia.
From this perspective, the rise of nationalism after World War II was indeed a "double-edged sword". China's abandonment of "dual nationality" not only catered to the trend of the time that countries tightened control over borders and definitions of citizenship, but it was also hurt by the loss of a large part of Chinese resources.

Positive Significance of the Treaty
After the Treaty was signed, China officially renounced dual nationality and established a solid foundation for solving the nationality issue of Chinese in Southeast Asia. China's announcement that it did not recognize dual nationality was mainly out of diplomatic consideration to maintain friendly relations with other countries, especially Southeast Asian countries, and it showed that China had no intention to intervene in the situation of Southeast Asian countries. China had tens of millions of overseas Chinese all over the world. Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asian countries were not only large in number, but also accounted for a large proportion of the local population. They also hold a crucial share in the local economy. In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, various countries misunderstood Communist China and feared and were wary of the Communist Party.
At the same time, the Treaty significantly reduced the local government's suspicion and vigilance against overseas Chinese. Although the 9.30 incident broke out just a few years later, at least in Indonesia at that time, the phenomenon of discrimination and control was alleviated. It was conducive to the long-term interests of local overseas Chinese, making the integration of overseas Chinese into the host country a long-term trend and attracting many Chinese living there return to China for construction. Therefore, China did not recognize dual nationality and encouraged overseas Chinese to naturalize and reside in the country, which could be regarded as a sensible national policy in line with national conditions, which was conducive to protecting the interests of overseas Chinese and preventing them from becoming a hostile group and suffering damage to their rights and interests. Although China might have lost some of its overseas Chinese resources, it did not mean that China had abandoned such resources entirely. Judging from the pragmatic diplomatic attitude, the Treaty's signing, whether in terms of diplomacy, internal affairs, or foreign affairs, has basically achieved the intended purpose of the Treaty.

Conclusions
Southeast Asia is located close to China and is rich in resources. Chinese began to immigrate to Southeast Asia thousands of years ago. In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the number of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia exceeded 10 million. It became an essential part of the local economy. However, for various reasons, overseas Chinese have not been able to integrate well into Southeast Asian countries. At the same time, as the Chinese revolution and communism gradually spread to neighbouring countries, it aggravated the fear of China in Southeast Asian countries. In this context, a series of extreme and violent acts against overseas Chinese broke out under the American hegemony, which seriously affected the friendly relations between China and Southeast Asian countries and became one of the urgent problems to be solved in the early days of China. Overseas Chinese in Indonesia seek a way of survival and development in the ups and downs of Sino-Indonesia relations. Overseas Chinese in other parts of the world have always been unavoidable in China's diplomatic relations with the countries. Their uniqueness and solid economic power allowed them to play a role in developing the relationship between the residence country and the origin country. They not only contribute to the economic growth of China but also support overseas Chinese culture, education, and religion. They have a unique role in Sino-foreign friendly cooperation, especially in strengthening the public opinion foundation.
Indonesia is the country with the greatest number of Chinese immigrants in the world, and it was also the country with the most severe exclusion of Chinese during the 1950s. The signing of the dual nationality treaty for overseas Chinese in Indonesia not only inspires China to respond to the guarantee of various survival interests of overseas Chinese. The Treaty took action to solve the problem, and it also helped to rid of the mass "Chinese threat" and other problems, actively improved the cultural discrimination and racial discrimination faced by abroad Chinese in other nations, and promoted the living environment to be safer and a more secure situation.